# \[e-drug\] U.S.'s Misguided and Bad-Faith Attack on WHO 3-by-5

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**Post date:** [December 20, 2003, 1:34pm UTC](https://talk.edrugplus.org/t/e-drug-u-s-s-misguided-and-bad-faith-attack-on-who-3-by-5/18472/1 "2003-12-20T13:34:21Z")

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E-drug: U.S.'s Misguided and Bad-Faith Attack on WHO 3-by-5  
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[Cross-posted from Ip-health. Thanks. Long message! HH]

U.S.'s Misguided and Bad-Faith Attack on the WHO's 3-by-5 Plan  
Brook K. Baker, Northeastern University School of Law and Health  
GAP

December 18, 2003

As the U.S. government plods slowly towards expanded funding for  
its largely bilateral global AIDS initiative (President's Emergency  
Plan for AIDS Relief) and as it sends successive waves of  
teary-eyed politicians on fact-finding tours to AIDS orphanages in  
Africa, it has been working hard behind the scenes to undercut  
multilateral AIDS initiatives including the Global Fund to Fight AIDS,  
TB, and Malaria and the WHO 3-by-5 plan (three million people on  
antiretroviral therapy by the end of 2005). The U.S. systematic  
under-funding of the Global Fund and its persistent suppression of  
donor and recipient expectations has been well documented. The  
"highlight" of the Administration's campaign for the planned failure  
of the Global Fund is its scale-back of annual donations to the  
Global Fund, now set at only $200 million annually for the next five  
years. That will keep the Fund's executive structure going while  
Richard Feachem (Executive Director) and Tommy Thompson  
(Chairperson of the Board and U.S. Secretary of Health and  
Human Services) supervise the gradual dissipation of all forward  
motion on a unique plan to provide a coordinated global response  
to the worst pandemics of modern time.

Having succeeded in engineering a downward slope in grant  
applications at the Global Fund, the U.S. has recently turned its  
attention on the WHO and its ambitious plan to provide  
antiretroviral therapy to 3 million people living with AIDS by the end  
of 2005, roughly one-third of those in need of AIDS medication to  
prevent their premature deaths within the following two years.  
Jealous of the WHO's leadership role, desirous of unilateral credit,  
and eager to tout the gentle flip side of its brutal War on Terror, the  
Bush Administration has embarked on a subtle disinformation  
campaign, coordinated with its business ally, Big Pharma, to try to  
undermine the role of low cost, standard quality generic medicines  
in the battle against AIDS and to discredit efforts to rapidly increase  
capacity to deliver antiretroviral therapy by relying less on medical  
experts and more on community-based health workers.

In mounting its attack on the WHO's historic enterprise, the U.S.  
has wrapped itself in the mantle of medical ethics and questioned  
key components of the WHO plan including: (1) "overly simplistic"  
recommendations for simplified and standardized front-line  
combination therapies, including fixed-dose combination  
medicines; (2) reliance on the WHO's pre-qualification program to  
identify presumptively safe and efficacious AIDS medicines,  
particularly Cipla's Triomune; (3) advocacy for free treatment rather  
than co-payments; and (4) reliance on a new corps of community  
health workers for much of the direct care delivery. In essence the  
U.S. government is saying that it has a unique vision for a  
platinum-standard program of AIDS treatment and that anything  
less is third-rate and violates medical ethics. Coincidentally, the  
U.S. bemoans that African countries have minimal capacity to  
deliver such high quality care and thus the U.S. is justified in its  
go-slow approach to appropriations and planning.

There is a deep and abiding irony in the U.S.'s hypocritical attack  
on the ethics of the WHO's 3-by-5 plan whereby it seeks to ride the  
high horse of exaggerated concern for highest quality treatment.  
This is the same government that has inspired and enforced  
structural adjustment policies at the World Bank and the  
International Monetary Fund and in its own bilateral programs that  
have decimated the already weak, but theretofore improving public  
health systems of sub-Saharan Africa during much of the 1980's  
and 90's. This is the same government that dramatically reduced  
development spending in Africa and the rest of the world at the end  
of the Cold War because it no longer needed to prop up corrupt  
post-colonial allies in the struggle against the Soviet Union. This is  
the same government that has pursued neo-liberal economic  
policies and unfair trade policies that have undermined rural  
economies and prompted much of the migration that fuels the  
spread of HIV/AIDS. And, most significantly, this is the same  
government that sat on the sidelines and flat-funded international  
funding for AIDS during the 1990's as the pandemic exploded  
exponentially on an unprepared continent.

Moral exhortations from a recently converted perpetrator are  
always a bit hard to swallow, but the hypocrisy of the U.S. position  
is not just that it denies its past but that it is using the discourse of  
medical ethics to mask its underlying pursuit of pharmaceutical  
interests. There is an extraordinary match between the talking  
points pursued by Administration spokespersons at the WHO and  
the well-worn talking point of PhRMA and other industry  
mouthpieces. Big Pharma has consistently slandered the quality of  
"pirated" generic products to preserve the illusion of the superiority  
of their patent-protected and monopoly-priced medicines. It has  
tried to impose higher-than-necessary regulatory standards on  
drug registration authorities in developing countries through  
harmonization schemes and otherwise. And, it has relentlessly  
pursued heightened intellectual property protections in multilateral,  
regional, and bilateral trade agreements - protections that would  
limit compulsory license and parallel importation rights, extend  
patent terms, deny access to clinical trial data, and undermine  
exportation of generic medicines to countries that can't make them  
on their own.

Certainly it is appropriate for health officials and experts to question  
the WHO's 3-by-5 plan in good faith. Though the U.S. attacks are  
undoubtedly advanced in bad faith, it makes sense to review the  
merits of the expressed concerns, always weighing in the  
background the reality of 8000 deaths a day.

Fixed-dose combinations

There are two central and interrelated benefits that arise from the  
use of FDCs in the administration of Highly Active Antiretroviral  
Therapy (HAART) in developing countries. The first is a lower  
overall pill count that predictably increases adherence to treatment  
regimes. The second is that FDCs have been shown to increase  
compliance because patients can take all their required medicines  
on a regular and fixed schedule rather than having to cope with a  
more complicated schedule of multiple pills on differing time  
schedules. The impact of reduced pill count and of simplified  
dosing schedules is to decrease the incidence of resistance of the  
AIDS virus to ARV treatment.

The World Health Organization has emphasized the importance of  
developing innovative strategies for enhancing adherence to  
antiretroviral therapy because it is a life-long therapy.[1] It is widely  
accepted, including by surveys by pharmaceutical manufacturers,  
that a main obstacle to patient compliance with HAART is too many  
pills and complicated dosing schedules. [2] Thus, the WHO has  
recommended that medical providers utilize strategies to increase  
adherence to treatment regimes that "include minimizing pill counts  
and dosage frequencies by preferentially using combination pills on  
a once-daily or twice-daily basis."[3] According to the WHO,  
"[w]hen available, fixed-dose combinations are advantageous with  
respect to the simplification of regimens and consequent improved  
adherence."[4]

In addition to referencing the benefits of fixed-dose combinations  
produced by major pharmaceutical manufacturers,[5] the WHO  
acknowledges that fixed-dose formulations have been produced by  
generic manufacturers, "which [formulations] may facilitate  
simplified regimens, decrease cost and promote adherence if they  
can be legally used and their quality and bioequivalence has been  
demonstrated."[6]

The theoretical importance of FDCs has been confirmed by recent  
research on twice-daily regimens. "[R]ecent work on simplification  
of HAART regimens, reported at the latest Glasgow conference on  
HIV treatment, could have a major impact on compliance-related  
treatment failure in both resource-rich and resource-poor countries.  
- It is well documented that adherence rises as the complexity of a  
HAART regimen declines, a point emphasized by a recent  
comparison of the fixed-dose combination of zidovudine and and  
3TC (Combivir) with the 2 drugs given separately."[7] Of course,  
the long-term goal is to reach a goal of a once-daily regimen that  
"provides patients with a regimen that can fit more easily into their  
established routines, thereby increasing treatment adherence."[8]

Medical experts have emphasized that patient compliance is  
dependent on a reduced pill burden and simplified dosing  
schedules, but fixed-dose combinations have other advantages in  
terms of ensuring that patients take triple as opposed to mono or  
dual therapy. Triple therapy is essential to counteract HIV's  
extraordinary mutation rate, which leads to an accelerated  
incidence of drug-resistance in mono or dual therapy regimes.[9]  
Providing HAART through three-drug FDCs reduces the possibility  
that patients will be treated with a substandard number of drugs,  
which is still unfortunately common in African countries.[10]

Administering HAART through fixed-dose combination pills might  
also reduce, though not eliminate, the risk that the patient would  
split therapies with others. Although there has been little research  
on pill splitting in resource poor settings, especially since there has  
so little ARV therapy provided, there is reason to believe that  
patients are sometimes coerced to share pills or do so out of  
concern for others, especially within family settings.[11] This is one  
reason why treatment providers have begun to encourage  
voluntary counseling and testing with both partners and why  
mother-to-child-prevention-plus programs[12] extend ARV therapy  
to an entire family group, since HIV infection is likely to be  
intra-familial.

The clinical benefit of increased adherence resulting from the use  
of fixed-dose combinations is the decreased incidence of  
resistance of the AIDS virus to individual medicines and to entire  
classes of medicines. According to the WHO, adherence to  
HAART must be at a very high level to achieve lasting viral  
suppression because of the rapid replication and mutation rates of  
HIV.[13] The advantage of triple-therapy is that it attacks HIV in  
three ways at the same time, meaning that a mutation that is  
resistant to one medicine is unlikely to be simultaneously resistant  
to the other two.

Why the U.S. Picks on Cipla's Triomune

Cipla of India has twice ruptured the complacency of Big Pharma  
with respect to its patent monopolies on AIDS medicines, first on  
February 7, 2001, when it announced a price heard round the world  
- a standard package of ARVs for as little as $350/year to NGOs  
and $600/year to governments in Africa[14] and a second time on  
August 7, 2001, when it announced the formulation of a new  
three-in-one antiretroviral tablet, Triomune, combining stavudine,  
lamivudine, and nevirapine.[15] The public announcement of these  
breakthrough emphasized the cost and therapeutic advantages of  
the new fixed-dose combination medicine, only slightly more than a  
$1 a day - a fifth or sixth of the cost of the then cheapest treatment  
with brand-name drugs that extra pills and more complex dosing  
schedules. Since Cipla's historic announcement, other Indian  
companies have begun to produce fixed-dose combination  
ARVs,[16] as have companies in Thailand,[17] and China,[18] and  
prices of these treatments have continued to decreased over  
time.[19] This fall, a new benchmark price has been established by  
four generic producers, three Indian and one South African - less  
than $140 per year for WHO preferred fixed-dose combination  
medicines. [20] Accordingly, standard quality FDC generics are  
now available for a penny on the dollar of what the major  
pharmaceutical companies charge in rich markets.

Given the therapeutic importance of FDCs, it is important to  
understand why so few proprietary pharmaceutical manufacturers  
have produced combination ARVs and, more to the point, why  
none of them have done so with a competitor's product. In this  
context, it is important to remember that HIV medicines are  
individually patented and that patent-holders have a perverse  
economic interest in avoiding the creation of FDCs and in delaying  
product improvements.[21] Let's take the Cipla example. Britain's  
GlaxoSmithKline holds the patent for lamivudine, Germany's  
Boehringer Igelheim the patent on nevirapine and the US's  
Bristol-Myers Squibb the patent on stavudine. Nothing in principle  
prohibits these three companies from entering into voluntary  
cross-licensing agreements to produce a three-in-one fixed-dose  
ARV tablet, especially since this combination is both efficacious  
and inexpensive; indeed, the WHO recommends it as a first-line  
combination for resource poor settings.[22] However, in practice,  
the proprietary manufacturers have not wanted to dilute individual  
brand recognition, nor have they wanted to indirectly promote the  
products of a competitor. Although GlaxoSmithKline will combine its  
own HIV products, e.g. Combivir (AZT+3TC) and Trizivir  
(AZT+3TC+ABC), neither it nor its competitors have yet combined  
ARVs with other manufacturers. As a consequence, in countries  
where generics are excluded because of patent status, doctors and  
patients are left with the unwieldy task of prescribing and taking  
multiple tablets, multiple times a day, and then monitoring  
compliance with overly complicated treatment regimes.

The logic of single-medicine pills makes sense in the twisted world  
of global pharmaceuticals, where maximizing profit, maintaining  
competitive advantage, and promoting brand recognition prevail,  
but it does not make sense in the actual lives of AIDS patients in  
developing countries where simpler regimes are crucially important  
to survival. FDC medicines can be distributed more easily and  
reliably; they can ease patient compliance; and they can reduce  
risks of resale of drugs by desperately poor patients who might  
otherwise be tempted to resell part of their treatment regime in the  
hope that one out of three medicines might be enough. One  
three-in-one pill twice a day will also be easier for health aids to  
monitor if directly observed therapy is instituted on a broad scale.

There are rumors that major drug companies recognize the  
comparative therapeutic advantages of Cipla's FDC Triomune (and  
Ranbaxy's and Aspen's as well) and that two companies,  
GlaxoSmithKline and Bristol Myers Squibb are engaged in  
discussions about exclusive cross-licensing agreements to  
produce fixed-dose combinations of their joint products. This  
exclusive deal would not increase competition, but the combined  
product would undoubtedly offer therapeutic advantages. In  
addition to this still unrealized option, drug companies are urging  
the WHO to endorse blister packs containing products from several  
patent holders (with a.m. and p.m. doses), arguing that this solution  
offers greater treatment flexibilities. Again, this kind of packaging  
does offer some therapeutic advantages, but it does not reverse  
the even great therapeutic value of low-cost, generic FDCs.

WHO Pre-Qualification Project

The U.S. delegation and Big Pharma could not mount a credible all  
out assault on the concept of fixed-dose combination medicines  
and on the idea of Cipla's Triomune, so instead they are attacking  
the WHO Pre-Qualification Project, at least to the extent that it  
"improperly" pre-qualified Triomune. By punishing Cipla and subtly  
undermining WHO pre-qualification standards, the  
U.S./Big-Pharma team continue to hype the superior quality of  
proprietary, patented drugs and to freeze its most loathed generic  
competitor out of the rapidly expanding global market for ARVs.

Because poor quality medicines can have serious health  
consequence, all treatment advocates and program designers  
must be concerned that there are exacting quality standards during  
both the production and distribution process. If medicines do not  
contain the correct active ingredients in correct quantities, if  
medicines contain harmful substances, or if quality and efficacy  
deteriorate because of improper handling or expiration, patients will  
be exposed to substandard or even dangerous therapies that can  
lead to treatment failure, drug resistance, and even death. The  
issue of drug quality is particularly important in AIDS therapy  
because the therapeutic range of most ARVs is quite narrow and  
because on the life-threatening consequences of non-therapeutic  
dosing.

The WHO has just released a study documenting the growing  
problem of substandard and counterfeit medicines estimating that  
up to 25% of medicines consumed in poor countries are deficient  
and that the deficiencies are particularly problematic for  
high-markup products treating HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and  
malaria.[23] "Trade in substandard and counterfeit medicines is  
most prevalent in countries with weak drug regulation control and  
enforcement, scarcity and/or erratic supply of basic medicines,  
unregulated markets and unaffordable prices," according to the  
WHO press release. To redress these recurrent problems, the  
WHO recommended legislative reform to strengthen enforcement  
powers in drug regulatory authorities, strategies to reduce  
corruption and criminal activity, and international cooperation.

Because of the importance of product safety and efficacy and  
because the documented risks of substandard and counterfeit  
medicines, pharmaceutical products procured with multilateral and  
bilateral resources in pursuit of the 3-by-5 goal should certainly be  
authorized by the relevant national drug regulatory authority  
(NDRA) in the country in which they will be used. However, in  
addition, they should be separately evaluated for safety, quality,  
and efficacy, if the relevant NDRA does not have the capacity to  
enforce appropriate standards. In this respect, the WHO  
Pre-Qualification Project can play an important role in identifying  
AIDS medicines which are bio-equivalent to standard products and  
which are produced according to Good Manufacturing  
Processes.[24] Of course, an alternative route to quality assurance  
is to require registration by a stringent NDRA, one that is a member  
of the Pharmaceutical Inspection Convention/Scheme and/or the  
International Conference of Harmonisation.[25]

The essence of the U.S. attack on Triomune's pre-qualification at  
the WHO is that the WHO pre-qualification project cut too many  
corners and, more subtly, that registration should instead, if  
possible, be based on registration at a strict NDRA, like the FDA. In  
particular, the U.S. is "concerned" that the pre-qualification project  
has just pre-qualified Cipla's generic fixed-dose combination ARVs  
despite the lack of underlying evidence on bio-availability and  
despite clinical trials comparing the efficacy and safety of  
fixed-dose combinations versus treatment regimes that using  
proprietary products. The U.S. presumably cites the risk that  
co-formulation of medicines can affect potency and rates of  
absorption of individual components (bio-availability) and that care  
must be exercised to combine drugs that are complementary in  
action and, have similar half-lives, and present non-cumulative side  
effects. Fortunately, this is a technological problem that can often  
be solved if detected early in the production process.[26]

In an ideal world, drug companies would have cross-licensed their  
medicines to each other (rather than merely protect their patent  
kingdoms), conducted relevant clinical trials, and thereby produced  
fully satisfactory evidence on the superiority of fixed-dose  
combinations, particularly when one takes into account patient  
compliance. There would be Pharmacopoeia monographs and  
standards available by which to evaluated generic equivalents.  
However, in the imperfect world we live in, the WHO was left to a  
slightly less optimal alternative - it had to establish pharmacokentic  
bio-equivalence of generic fixed-dose combinations against  
evidence derived from the individual products,[27] a procedure that  
had previously been allowed even in the U.S. with respect to  
GlaxoSmithKline's combo drug Trizivir. This kind of pragmatic  
flexibility, while still pursuing high standards, is the correct response  
to an AIDS pandemic where the world doesn't have an extra five  
years to conduct double-blind clinical studies of the most promising,  
pro-adherence product.

The U.S. makes it sound like the WHO pre-qualification project  
used a big rubber stamp in a back office to approve Triomune, but,  
of course, the truth is far different. Where pre-existing evidence of a  
comparable product is lacking, the WHO appoints experts who  
perform a rigorous and comprehensive evaluation of products to  
confirm compliance with international standards. In this regard,  
investigators perform dossier evaluations and conduct site  
inspections of manufacturing facilities. Dossiers are evaluated for  
compliance with WHO recommendations and guidelines regarding  
the assessment of multi-source products.[28] Assessment teams  
included three specialists on quality issues and two on  
bio-availability/bio-equivalence. In addition, inspections are  
performed for individual products at individual manufacturing sites  
to assess compliance with Good Manufacturing Practices as  
recommended by the World Health Organization.[29] The team of  
inspectors includes a leader inspector from countries that are  
members of the Pharmaceutical Inspection Co-operation Scheme,  
a WHO expert from its Quality Assurance and Safety: Medicines  
team, and an inspector for the local NDRA. Only after this rigorous  
process did the WHO pre-qualify multiple generic ARVs including  
fixed-dose combinations.[30]

Free treatment vs. user fees and cost recovery

One would have thought that the neo-liberal ideology of  
cost-recovery and user fees, brought to an art form by the World  
Bank and the IMF, would have been sufficiently discredited that no  
one would seriously propose that poor people living with HIV/AIDS  
would have choose drugs over food, shelter, and schooling.  
Evidence that co-payments had reduced use of family planning  
and SDI clinics prompted Congress to adopt legislation ordering  
the Executive to oppose user fees for health and schooling at the  
World Bank and IMF. The wisdom of that ban was confirmed by a  
recent study showing that financial constraints, including though not  
limited to the out-of-pocket cost of antiretrovirals, have been  
reported as the most significant barrier to antiretroviral adherence  
in patients living with HIV/AIDS in Botswana prior to the introduction  
of free treatment.[31] Even with the costs of medicines going down  
to $140 a year, the costs of treatment are likely to be overwhelming  
for the vast majority of patients in sub-Saharan Africa who earn  
less than $2 a day. What portion of their meager salary should  
destitute Africans pay to source life-saving medicines- What child  
should they keep home from school, which daily meals should they  
skip-

The WHO has undoubtedly selected the correct standard in urging  
that antiretroviral therapy be offered free as part of a rich package  
of public health services in developing countries. Where medical  
aid schemes cover the costs of treatment and drug purchases,  
certainly some cost recovery will occur. But what you don't want to  
do, in the middle of an escalating pandemic, is impose fees that  
deter treatment for a life-long condition. Hopefully, some sound  
minds in Washington will realize the absurdity of imposing failed  
user fees and co-payments on poor people in developing  
countries.

Community health workers

The last U.S. attack on the WHO 3-by-5 plan involves a critique of  
excessive reliance sub-physician health workers and on  
40,000-60,000 new community health workers, workers to be  
recruited, trained, and deployed as part of the WHO's 3-by-5 plan.  
Presumably, the U.S., blinded by the culture of increasing medical  
specialization and the medicalization of all public health initiatives,  
thinks that it is better to wait for a decade of intensive medical  
training for physicians before you start to dose the AIDS pandemic.  
As much as it is desirable to have more HIV/AIDS specialists in  
developing countries, wishing won't make it happen - it won't  
necessarily prompt long-term commitments by First World health  
specialists (though many are heroically offering their services) and  
it certainly won't magically improve primary, secondary, tertiary,  
and medical education in Africa to train 50 times the number of  
doctors that there are now.

Instead of waiting on strategies to retain existing physicians and  
nurses who are being recruited to Northern health sectors in record  
numbers and to recruit a greatly expanded corps of highly trained  
AIDS physicians, the WHO has adopted a two-part strategy for  
using non-physician health care workers. Key decisions concerning  
when to start therapy, whether to substitute drugs because of  
adverse side effect, whether to switch regimens because of  
treatment failure and drug resistance, and when to stop therapy will  
be made nurse practitioners or physician's assistants working  
under the supervision of doctors; harder cases will be referred to  
physicians in district hospitals. Reliance on non-physician  
resources even for these important decisions will be aids by WHO's  
adoption of standardized and simplified treatment regimes and by  
wholesale training of existing health sector workers.

As the frontline eyes and ears of the program and as culturally  
competent community health practitioners the WHO advocates  
"urgently training tens of thousands of community health workers to  
support the delivery and monitoring of HIV/AIDS treatment. An  
intensive training programme would enable these health workers to  
evaluate and monitor patients, and make sure they receive and are  
taking their medicines."[32] The value of community health workers  
is that they can aid community mobilization, initiate treatment  
preparedness, accelerate prevention efforts through VCT and  
otherwise, and help ensure adherence to medical regimens.

Conclusion

Although it is important to respond to each of the U.S. attacks  
against the WHO 3-by-5 plan on the merits, it is equally important  
to understand the politics behind this attack. In essence, at the  
behest of it pharmaceutical masters, the U.S. is arguing that  
brand-name, patent medicines preferentially be used to fight global  
AIDS. At the alter of neo-liberal orthodoxy, it insists that user-fees  
should be imposed, that poor consumers will appreciate what they  
are forced to pay for, even though study after study has shown that  
user fees, on the ground, impede rather than enhance access to  
treatment. And, at the behest of conservative elements of the  
medical establishment, it argues that scale-up should be scaled  
back - that it is better to go slow than to practice less than ideal  
care, even though ideal care is decades away. The WHO 3-by-5  
plan will certainly need to be fine-tuned and improved over time.  
Excessive compromises on quality should not be made at the alter  
of expediency and operational deficiencies should be quickly  
corrected. But the WHO has launched an initiative where few have  
dared tread below - it is replacing rhetoric and hallow, platitudinous  
expressions of concern with a pragmatic and bold plan for action.  
Rather than stand by and watch millions die needlessly every year,  
the WHO has overcome its own historical lethargy and is finally  
beginning to meet its mandate as a global public health institution.  
We can not let the U.S. succeed in undermining this new  
commitment with its nit-picking and bad faith concerns.
